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Kevin Stitt lost Tuesday in a case that questioned what he could offer in tribal compact negotiations. The court ruled against the governor. The only dissenting vote was cast because the tribes involved were not present. This means sports betting in Oklahoma is back to square one and, once again, illegal. Event wagering authorizes betting on sports, including esports , with only college events limited.
Despite attempts to stop the compacts, including the lawsuit and an official opinion from Attorney General Mike Hunter , both were approved without action by the Department of the Interior. The compacts went live when they were listed in the Federal Register in late June.
Many tribes disagreed. I am proud to have fought for the rights of the people of NJ. Frank Pallone Jr. Pallone called on Congress to move legislation he offered last year to legalize sports betting and online gambling if consumer protections are in place. He said his bill, known as the GAME Act, would provide states with the legal framework to adopt sports betting at their discretion. In a statement, New Jersey Gov. In other states, legislators introduced placeholder bills that are likely to move now that the high court has given the green light.
Lance commended Murphy and Christie for successfully litigating the issue. View the discussion thread. Skip to main content. Tags Frank Pallone Jr. Leonard Lance.
Brady's most clutch throw of the week actually came during the Bucs' championship parade on Wednesday. MLS avoided a work stoppage but pushed the start of its season back by two weeks and intends to have its teams participate in four extra competitions. New York Gov. The NBA released a statement about playing the national anthem at games after news broke that the Mavericks omitted it for 13 games.
A win over Swansea City sets a new standard for English clubs across all competitions. Home College College Basketball. By Corey Parson. By Michael Shapiro. The District Court found no anticommandeering violation, id. New Jersey filed a petition for a writ of certiorari, raising the anticommandeering issue. To the contrary, New Jersey is free to repeal those prohibitions in whole or in part. See also Brief for Respondents in Opposition in No.
We denied review. Christie v. Picking up on the suggestion that a partial repeal would be allowed, the New Jersey Legislature enacted the law now before us. The Act declares that it is not to be interpreted as causing the State to authorize, license, sponsor, operate, advertise, or promote sports gambling.
Instead, it is framed as a repealer. The new law also specified that the repeal was effective only as to wagers on sporting events not involving a New Jersey college team or a collegiate event taking place in the State. Predictably, the same plaintiffs promptly commenced a new action in federal court. Christie, 61 F. Governor of N. But the court declined to say whether a repeal that was more complete than the Act would still amount to an authorization.
The parties advance dueling interpretations, and this dispute has an important bearing on the constitutional issue that we must decide. Indeed, the United States expressly concedes that the provision is unconstitutional if it means what petitioners claim.
Brief for United States 8, Petitioners argue that the anti-authorization provision requires States to maintain their existing laws against sports gambling without alteration. They therefore contend that any state law that has the effect of permitting sports gambling, including a law totally or partially repealing a prior prohibition, amounts to an authorization. Brief for Petitioners in No. Respondents interpret the provision more narrowly.
Brief for Respondents And this, they say, is precisely what the Act does: It empowers a defined group of entities, and it endows them with the authority to conduct sports gambling operations. Respondents do not take the position that PASPA bans all modifications of old laws against sports gambling, Brief for Respondents 20, but just how far they think a modification could go is not clear.
Later in their brief, they elaborate on this point:. But if the state modified its law, whether through a new authorization or through an amendment partially repealing the existing prohibition, to authorize the state to conduct a sports lottery, that modified law would be preempted. The United States makes a similar argument. At that time, all forms of sports gambling were illegal in the great majority of States, and in that context, the competing definitions offered by the parties lead to the same conclusion.
A State is not regarded as authorizing everything that it does not prohibit or regulate. No one would use the term in that way. But one might well say exactly that if the person previously was prohibited from engaging in the activity. The United States also claims to find support for its interpretation in the fact that the authorization ban ap-.
But what if a State enacted a law enabling, but not requiring, one or more of its subdivisions to decide whether to authorize sports gambling? The ban on legalization at the local level addresses this problem. The interpretation adopted by the Third Circuit and advocated by respondents and the United States not only ignores the situation that Congress faced when it enacted PASPA but also leads to results that Congress is most unlikely to have wanted.
This is illustrated by the implausible conclusions that all of those favoring alternative interpretations have been forced to reach about the extent to which the provision permits the repeal of laws banning sports gambling. The Third Circuit could not say which, if any, partial repeals are allowed.
Respondents and the United States tell us that the PASPA ban on state authorization allows complete repeals, but beyond that they identify no clear line. It is improbable that Congress meant to enact such a nebulous regime.
The respondents and United States argue that even if there is some doubt about the correctness of their interpretation of the anti-authorization provision, that interpretation should be adopted in order to avoid any anticommandeering problem that would arise if the provision were construed to require States to maintain their laws prohibiting sports gambling.
Brief for Respondents 38; Brief for United States They invoke the canon of interpretation that a statute should not be held to be unconstitutional if there is any reasonable interpretation that can save it. See Jennings v. Rodriguez , U. The plausibility of the alternative interpretations is debatable, but even if the law could be interpreted as respondents and the United States suggest, it would still violate the anticommandeering principle, as we now explain.
The anticommandeering doctrine may sound arcane, but it is simply the expression of a fundamental structural decision incorporated into the Constitution, i. Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. Rossiter ed. Ashcroft , U. The Constitution limits state sovereignty in several ways.
It directly prohibits the States from exercising some attributes of sovereignty. See, e. Some grants of power to the Federal Government have been held to impose implicit restrictions on the States. Davis , U. Garamendi , U.
And the Constitution indirectly restricts the States by granting certain legislative powers to Congress, see Art. VI, cl. This means that when federal and state law conflict, federal law prevails and state law is preempted.
The legislative powers granted to Congress are sizable, but they are not unlimited. The Constitution confers on Congress not plenary legislative power but only certain enumerated powers. Therefore, all other legislative power is reserved for the States, as the Tenth Amendment confirms. And conspicuously absent from the list of powers given to Congress is the power to issue direct orders to the governments of the States. The anticommandeering doctrine simply represents the recognition of this limit on congressional authority.
Although the anticommandeering principle is simple and basic, it did not emerge in our cases until relatively recently, when Congress attempted in a few isolated instances to extend its authority in unprecedented ways. The pioneering case was New York v.
In enacting this provision, Congress issued orders to either the legislative or executive branch of state government depending on the branch authorized by state law to take the actions demanded. In this respect, the Constitution represented a sharp break from the Articles of Confederation.
Oregon , 7 Wall. Five years after New York , the Court applied the same principles to a federal statute requiring state and local law enforcement officers to perform background checks and related tasks in connection with applications for handgun licenses. Printz , U. This rule applies, Printz held, not only to state officers with policymaking responsibility but also to those assigned more mundane tasks.
Our opinions in New York and Printz explained why adherence to the anticommandeering principle is important. Without attempting a complete survey, we mention several reasons that are significant here. Second, the anticommandeering rule promotes political accountability. When Congress itself regulates, the responsibility for the benefits and burdens of the regulation is apparent. Voters who like or dislike the effects of the regulation know who to credit or blame.
By contrast, if a State imposes regulations only because it has been commanded to do so by Congress, responsibility is blurred. See New York , supra , at —; Printz , supra , at — Third, the anticommandeering principle prevents Congress from shifting the costs of regulation to the States. If Congress enacts a law and requires enforcement by the Executive Branch, it must appropriate the funds needed to administer the program.
It is pressured to weigh the expected benefits of the program against its costs. But if Congress can compel the States to enact and enforce its program, Congress need not engage in any such analysis. The PASPA provision at issue here—prohibiting state authorization of sports gambling—violates the anticommandeering rule. That provision unequivocally dictates what a state legislature may and may not do.
And this is true under either our interpretation or that advocated by respondents and the United States. In either event, state legislatures are put under the direct control of Congress. It is as if federal officers were installed in state legislative chambers and were armed with the authority to stop legislators from voting on any offending proposals. A more direct affront to state sovereignty is not easy to imagine. Neither respondents nor the United States contends that Congress can compel a State to enact legislation, but they say that prohibiting a State from enacting new laws is another matter.
This distinction is empty. Here is an illustration. Suppose Congress ordered States with legalized sports betting to take the affirmative step of criminalizing that activity and ordered the remaining States to retain their laws prohibiting sports betting. There is no good reason why the former would intrude more deeply on state sovereignty than the latter. In none of them did we uphold the constitutionality of a federal statute that commanded state legislatures to enact or refrain from enacting state law.
In South Carolina v. Specifically, it removed the federal tax exemption for interest earned on state and local bonds unless they were issued in registered rather than bearer form. This law did not order the States to enact or maintain any existing laws. Rather, it simply had the indirect effect of pressuring States to increase the rate paid on their bearer bonds in order to make them competitive with other bonds paying taxable interest.
In any event, even if we assume that removal of the tax exemption was tantamount to an outright prohibition of the issuance of bearer bonds, see id. The anticommandeering doctrine does not apply when Congress evenhandedly regulates an activity in which both States and private actors engage.
The law applied equally to state and private actors. In Hodel , U. Thus, the federal law allowed but did not require the States to implement a federal program. Finally, in FERC v. See Printz , U. In sum, none of the prior decisions on which respondents and the United States rely involved federal laws that commandeered the state legislative process. None concerned laws that directed the States either to enact or to refrain from enacting a regulation of the conduct of activities occurring within their borders.
Therefore, none of these precedents supports the constitutionality of the PASPA provision at issue here. Respondents and the United States defend the anti-authorization prohibition on the ground that it constitutes a valid preemption provision, but it is no such thing.
Preemption is based on the Supremacy Clause, and that Clause is not an independent grant of legislative power to Congress. Exceptional Child Center, Inc. It specifies that federal law is supreme in case of a conflict with state law. First, it must represent the exercise of a power conferred on Congress by the Constitution; pointing to the Supremacy Clause will not do. General Elec. Bartlett , U. In that case, a federal law enacted under the Commerce Clause regulated manufacturers of generic drugs, prohibiting them from altering either the composition or labeling approved by the Food and Drug Administration.
We held that the state law was preempted because it imposed a duty that was inconsistent— i. The provision at issue in Morales v. Trans World Airlines, Inc. This language might appear to operate directly on the States, but it is a mistake to be confused by the way in which a preemption provision is phrased. Nevils , U. It confers on private entities i. Reynolds Tobacco Co.
Durham County , U. In describing field preemption, we have sometimes used the same sort of shorthand employed by Congress in express preemption provisions. Learjet, Inc. But in substance, field preemption does not involve congressional commands to the States.
See Crosby v. National Foreign Trade Council , U. What this means is that the federal registration provisions not only impose federal registration obligations on aliens but also confer a federal right to be free from any other registration requirements. In sum, regardless of the language sometimes used by Congress and this Court, every form of preemption is based on a federal law that regulates the conduct of private actors, not the States.
Once this is understood, it is clear that the PASPA provision prohibiting state authorization of sports gambling is not a preemption provision because there is no way in which this provision can be understood as a regulation of private actors.
It certainly does not confer any federal rights on private actors interested in conducting sports gambling operations. It does not give them a federal right to engage in sports gambling. Nor does it impose any federal restrictions on private actors. Thus, there is simply no way to understand the provision prohibiting state authorization as anything other than a direct command to the States. And that is exactly what the anticommandeering rule does not allow.
Brief for Respondents 43, n. It issues a direct order to the state legislature. Public Company Accounting Oversight Bd. Alton R. We will consider each of the provisions at issue separately. Under 28 U. PASPA addressed both of these potential developments. It gave New Jersey one year to legalize sports gambling in Atlantic City but otherwise banned the authorization of sports gambling in casinos, and it likewise prohibited the spread of state-run lotteries. If Congress had known that States would be free to authorize sports gambling in privately owned casinos, would it have nevertheless wanted to prevent States from running sports lotteries?
That seems most unlikely. State-run lotteries, which sold tickets costing only a few dollars, were thought more benign than other forms of gambling, and that is why they had been adopted in many States. Casino gambling, on the other hand, was generally regarded as far more dangerous.
Prohibiting the States from engaging in commercial activities that are permitted for private parties would also have been unusual, and it is unclear what might justify such disparate treatment. Respondents suggest that Congress wanted to prevent States from taking steps that the public might interpret as the endorsement of sports gambling, Brief for Respondents 39, but we have never held that the Constitution permits the Federal Government to prevent a state legislature from expressing its views on subjects of public importance.
For these reasons, we do not think that the provision barring state operation of sports gambling can be severed. It is unlikely that Congress would have wanted to prohibit such an ill-defined category of state conduct. If Congress had known that the latter provisions would fall, we do not think it would have wanted the former to stand alone. The two sets of provisions were meant to be deployed in tandem to stop what PASPA aimed to prevent: state legalization of sports gambling.
That strange rule is exactly the opposite of the general federal approach to gambling. Under 18 U. Similarly, 18 U. See also 18 U. These provisions implement a coherent federal policy: They respect the policy choices of the people of each State on the controversial issue of gambling. If the people of a State support the legalization of sports gambling, federal law would make the activity illegal.