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Aiding abetting illegal alien song

After a federal judge struck the initiative down in , then—Los Angeles councilman, now mayor, Antonio Villaraigosa credited Mexican president Ernesto Zedillo with helping to undermine it. In November , Arizona voters passed Proposition over the strenuous protests of the Phoenix consul general, who sent out press releases urging Hispanics to vote against it. The proposition merely reaffirmed existing law that requires proof of citizenship to vote and to receive certain welfare benefits.

Creel, however, dismissed U. T he gall of Mexican officials does not end with the push for illegal entry. After demanding that we educate their surplus citizens, give those citizens food stamps, deliver their babies, provide them with doctors and hospital beds, and police their neighborhoods, the Mexican government also expects us to help preserve their loyalty to Mexico. Since , Mexico has embarked on a series of initiatives to import Mexican culture into the U.

The current launching pad for these educational sallies is the Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior. The IME directs several programs aimed at American schools. Hundreds of thousands more have gone to school districts across the country, which pay only shipping charges. Showing admirable follow-up skills, the consulates try to ensure that students actually read the books.

We try to repeat and repeat. L ike most explanations given for Mexican involvement in American cultural matters, the justification for the textbook initiative is tortured. The students will feel proud to become Americans if they feel proud of their country. Immigrants have often tried to hold on to their native traditions, but not until recently did anyone expect American schools to help them do so.

And it is hard to see how studying Mexican history from a Mexican perspective helps forge an American identity. But a student in the U. Is his country Mexico or the U. The textbook concludes by celebrating Mexican patriotic symbols: the flag, the currency, and the national anthem. M exican consulates also push for bilingual education in American schools, with the same odd logic with which they defend teaching Mexican history: teaching in Spanish, they say, will make students better English speakers.

In this nonsensical claim, the Mexican officials are of course at one with the American bilingual-ed establishment. The IME also supplies adult-education materials in Spanish language and culture to community colleges and public libraries, and expects them to provide the space, teachers, and technology for distance-learning courses. Yet does this Spanish-language project actually result in the acquisition of English?

I put this question to Socorro Torres Sarmiento, the community affairs coordinator in the Santa Ana consulate. In other words, probably not. The consulates appear to regard local opposition to their bilingual agenda with bemused contempt. We have problems with some school districts [in Orange County], especially in Santa Ana.

This high school district is involved in a lot of political issues, I think they have a very conservative point of view about education. The contest that Sarmiento is promoting is another device to reinforce a sense of Mexicanness in students. Here again—in conservative Orange County, California, at least—some schools are skittish about sponsoring a Mexican government—designed program.

In her school visits for the contest, she asks students if they know who the Aztecs were. The U. It helps bring hundreds of Mexican teachers to U. The visitors suggest methods by which American teachers can incorporate Mexican dance, songs, and history, especially the indigenous cultures of the Toltec, Mayas, and Mistecas, into their lessons, notes Edda Caraballo, director of Migrant Education for the California Department of Education.

A huge proportion of the Mexican students receiving school-based training in Mexicanismo are illegal, making American help in preserving an alien culture all the more remarkable. Santa Ana consul Ortiz Haro laughs as he recounts that Anaheim school administrators had wanted to bill Mexico for the cost of educating its illegal exports—a perfectly sensible idea that strikes him as ludicrous.

Concern with border breaking is, to a Mexican consulate, well, just a little uncouth. It is difficult to imagine a country touchier about interference in its domestic affairs or less tolerant of immigrants. In , for example, Mexico deported a dozen American college students all in the country legally who had joined a protest in Mexico City against a planned airport.

Such participation, said Mexico, constituted illegal domestic interference. It would be interesting to know how many Mexican students—legal and illegal—have participated with impunity in demonstrations in the U. During his confirmation hearings, U.

Imagine if U. Mexico would expel them instantly. This summer, U. But Mexican diplomats in the U. Santa Ana consul Ortiz Haro does not conceal his disdain in observing that California Propositions and [banning racial preferences], as well as the Minuteman Project, originated in Orange County. Mexican politicians are even starting to allege that American responses to illegal immigration in the U. This August, New Mexico governor Bill Richardson declared a state of emergency in four counties bordering Mexico, because of violence and devastation wrought by trafficking in aliens and drugs.

Steve Royster, who worked in the American consulate in Mexico from to , presided over several deportations of Americans who had overstayed their visas. Providing full college tuition or all-expenses-paid secondary and primary education for illegal American students in Mexico? Until recently, U.

The parents would have to bribe officials for Mexican birth certificates for their kids. The change in the Mexican constitution to allow dual nationality now makes enrollment by U. What about textbooks to propagate American culture in Mexico? They would provoke an uprising against Yanqui imperialism. When President Ernesto Zedillo tried in the s merely to revise Mexican textbooks to acknowledge contemporary cooperation between the U.

The revisions went nowhere. Yet compared with the extensive immigrant-advocacy network in the U. In , the Mexican police beat and shot in the back a teenage American girl who had led them on a high-speed chase in Tijuana. No one in the U.

Contrast that incident with another that occurred in the U. A vanload of Mexican illegals in California had fled from the border patrol and the Riverside County deputies, throwing metal bars and beer cans at their pursuers and sideswiping cars to divert attention. When the van stopped, the deputies caught two of the fleeing occupants and beat them. Had American authorities responded to the Tijuana beating with comparable anger and PR savvy, the Mexican backlash would have been fierce.

And if American politicians, presiding over a grotesquely mismanaged economy and the exodus of millions of citizens, adopted the grandiose rhetoric of Mexican politicians, they would be a laughingstock from one end of Mexico to the other. The rate is still well below the immigrant norm, however. In , just 34 percent of eligible Mexicans became citizens, compared with 58 percent of other Latin Americans, 67 percent of Asians, and 65 percent of Canadians and Europeans.

The Mexican government will push to control as much U. President Bush should worry less about upsetting his friends at Los Pinos and more about listening to the American people: illegal immigration, they believe, is an affront to the rule of law and a threat to American security.

It can and must be stopped. Send a question or comment using the form below. More unauthorized immigration would further exacerbate these effects. If passed, both bills will eventually necessitate tax increases to pay for public services for low-skilled immigrants, as well as for American workers who would lose their jobs. Moreover, while most illegal immigrants are not violent criminals, illegal immigration fuels criminal activity.

Unauthorized immigrants often pay criminal gangs for fake documents, thereby facilitating bribery, identify theft and tax evasion. And of course, some unauthorized immigrants do commit serious crimes. In , the General Accountability Office estimated that one in four federal inmates were immigrants, and that 25, illegal immigrants were serving sentences in state prisons for homicide.

Nationwide, from to , criminal migrants committed , drug offenses, 42, robberies, 25, homicides, 91, sex crimes, , assaults, 95, weapons offenses and 81, auto thefts. The GAO also reported that the average criminal illegals had been arrested seven times.

In Massachusetts specifically, criminal gangs frequently perpetrate robbery, narcotics trafficking and extortion. According to the Boston U. Furthermore, much of the trafficking in heroin and other drugs in Massachusetts and surrounding states is controlled by gangs manned by illegal immigrants and commanded from the Dominican Republic, according to recent estimates by the Boston Police.

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Sineneng-Smith , No. On Tuesday, the court will hear arguments on whether the Trump administration can rescind protections for so-called Dreamers. Later in the term, it will consider whether immigrants can go to court to challenge orders calling for their expedited removal. Her clients, mostly from the Philippines, worked without authorization in the home health care industry. Sineneng-Smith offered to help them get green cards under a Labor Department certification program that she said would give them permanent resident status and allow them to work legally.

But the program had expired. She was convicted of mail fraud, a conviction that the Ninth Circuit affirmed and that Ms. Sineneng-Smith is not challenging in the Supreme Court. The question for the justices is whether her separate conviction under the law for encouraging her clients to stay in the United States was proper.

In the Ninth Circuit, Ms. Sineneng-Smith argued that she had a First Amendment right to file the applications, which was not a particularly strong argument. When the case reached the Ninth Circuit, it did something unusual. It asked for briefing on a different First Amendment question. The court wanted to know whether the law was overbroad, chilling the free speech of people other than Ms.

After getting additional briefs and hearing another round of arguments, the appeals court ruled that the law was unconstitutional. In urging the Supreme Court to hear its appeal, the Trump administration said the Ninth Circuit had gone too far. Whatever the literal language of the law, Solicitor General Noel J. I ask. Decades ago, Mexico enforced that rule. Now, any Mexican can cross wherever he wants.

A few years ago, the governor of Baja California proposed reviving the law as a means of preventing desert-crossing deaths. He swiftly found himself denounced for kowtowing to the Americans, writes former U. The proposal died.

Mexicans view migration to the U. In addition, nearly 60 percent of Mexican respondents polled by Zogby in said that the southwestern U. Only 28 percent disagreed. M exican consuls denounce any U. For the moment, they still tolerate deportations if officials pick up the illegal Mexican right at the border and promptly set him down on the other side—whence he can try again the next day.

Once in the U. In , the Denver consulate planted sympathetic stories in the Denver Post about an illegal Mexican high school student, Jesus Apodaca, who could not afford out-of-state tuition to Colorado colleges. Consulate spokesman Mario Hernandez lobbied Colorado legislators to award in-state tuition to Apodaca.

When the stories ran, Republican congressman Tom Tancredo, a vocal opponent of illegal immigration, suggested that Apodaca might more properly be deported. Such impertinence was more than Hernandez could bear. Tancredo realizes what he is doing to this family, which is already vulnerable. The family was on its way to pick up matriculas. This was an act of bad faith. The ministry might ponder why there should be any conflict between Mexican consular duties and the rule of law.

Ipswich, New Hampshire, police chief W. So he charged a Mexican illegal for criminal trespass—for being in a place without legal authority. A chief in a nearby town followed suit. No legal Mexican need worry about arrest for trespass or for violations of the immigration law. For the moment, Mexican illegals inside the border are safely insulated from enforcement. A New Hampshire judge rejected the Ipswich indictment this August, ruling that local police departments may not use trespass law against immigration violators.

Since the federal authorities virtually refuse to arrest immigration violators, and since most big cities forbid their police to inquire into immigration status, the nation remains one big sanctuary for illegals. In July, the Mexican consul general in New York City, Arturo Sarukhan, lambasted Suffolk County, Long Island, officials for evicting over a hundred illegal aliens whose dangerously overcrowded housing violated fire and safety codes.

Q uick to defend individual illegals, the consuls just as energetically fight legislative measures to reclaim the border. Californians in launched the first protest against this unjustifiable tax burden by passing Proposition , banning illegals from collecting welfare. Mexican action against apparently extended to Mexico as well. After a federal judge struck the initiative down in , then—Los Angeles councilman, now mayor, Antonio Villaraigosa credited Mexican president Ernesto Zedillo with helping to undermine it.

In November , Arizona voters passed Proposition over the strenuous protests of the Phoenix consul general, who sent out press releases urging Hispanics to vote against it. The proposition merely reaffirmed existing law that requires proof of citizenship to vote and to receive certain welfare benefits. Creel, however, dismissed U. T he gall of Mexican officials does not end with the push for illegal entry.

After demanding that we educate their surplus citizens, give those citizens food stamps, deliver their babies, provide them with doctors and hospital beds, and police their neighborhoods, the Mexican government also expects us to help preserve their loyalty to Mexico. Since , Mexico has embarked on a series of initiatives to import Mexican culture into the U. The current launching pad for these educational sallies is the Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior.

The IME directs several programs aimed at American schools. Hundreds of thousands more have gone to school districts across the country, which pay only shipping charges. Showing admirable follow-up skills, the consulates try to ensure that students actually read the books. We try to repeat and repeat. L ike most explanations given for Mexican involvement in American cultural matters, the justification for the textbook initiative is tortured. The students will feel proud to become Americans if they feel proud of their country.

Immigrants have often tried to hold on to their native traditions, but not until recently did anyone expect American schools to help them do so. And it is hard to see how studying Mexican history from a Mexican perspective helps forge an American identity. But a student in the U. Is his country Mexico or the U.

The textbook concludes by celebrating Mexican patriotic symbols: the flag, the currency, and the national anthem. M exican consulates also push for bilingual education in American schools, with the same odd logic with which they defend teaching Mexican history: teaching in Spanish, they say, will make students better English speakers. In this nonsensical claim, the Mexican officials are of course at one with the American bilingual-ed establishment.

The IME also supplies adult-education materials in Spanish language and culture to community colleges and public libraries, and expects them to provide the space, teachers, and technology for distance-learning courses. Yet does this Spanish-language project actually result in the acquisition of English? I put this question to Socorro Torres Sarmiento, the community affairs coordinator in the Santa Ana consulate. In other words, probably not. The consulates appear to regard local opposition to their bilingual agenda with bemused contempt.

We have problems with some school districts [in Orange County], especially in Santa Ana. This high school district is involved in a lot of political issues, I think they have a very conservative point of view about education. The contest that Sarmiento is promoting is another device to reinforce a sense of Mexicanness in students.

Here again—in conservative Orange County, California, at least—some schools are skittish about sponsoring a Mexican government—designed program. In her school visits for the contest, she asks students if they know who the Aztecs were. The U. It helps bring hundreds of Mexican teachers to U. The visitors suggest methods by which American teachers can incorporate Mexican dance, songs, and history, especially the indigenous cultures of the Toltec, Mayas, and Mistecas, into their lessons, notes Edda Caraballo, director of Migrant Education for the California Department of Education.

A huge proportion of the Mexican students receiving school-based training in Mexicanismo are illegal, making American help in preserving an alien culture all the more remarkable. Santa Ana consul Ortiz Haro laughs as he recounts that Anaheim school administrators had wanted to bill Mexico for the cost of educating its illegal exports—a perfectly sensible idea that strikes him as ludicrous.

Concern with border breaking is, to a Mexican consulate, well, just a little uncouth. It is difficult to imagine a country touchier about interference in its domestic affairs or less tolerant of immigrants. In , for example, Mexico deported a dozen American college students all in the country legally who had joined a protest in Mexico City against a planned airport. Such participation, said Mexico, constituted illegal domestic interference. It would be interesting to know how many Mexican students—legal and illegal—have participated with impunity in demonstrations in the U.

The rest of his statement, though, is utterly false.

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Football betting information I ask. Last month, the Supreme Court agreed to decide whether the dfs sports betting can be squared with the First Amendment. Predictably, the IDs flew off the shelf—more than 4. The Supreme Court Will Decide. Inthe General Accountability Office estimated that one in four federal inmates were immigrants, and that 25, illegal immigrants were serving sentences in state prisons for homicide. So it came up with the second best thing: a de facto amnesty, at the heart of which is something called the matricula consular card. Ipswich, New Hampshire, police chief W.

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It is equally unlawful to continue to employ an alien knowing that the alien is unauthorized to work. Employers may give preference in recruitment and hiring to a U. It is unlawful to hire an individual for employment in the United States without complying with employment eligibility verification requirements. Requirements include examination of identity documents and completion of Form I-9 for every employee hired. Employment includes any service or labor performed for any type of remuneration within the United States, with the exception of sporadic domestic service by an individual in a private home.

Day laborers or other casual workers engaged in any compensated activity with the above exception are employees for purposes of immigration law. An employer includes an agent or anyone acting directly or indirectly in the interest of the employer. For purposes of verfication of authorization to work, employer also means an independent contractor, or a contractor other than the person using the alien labor.

The use of temporary or short-term contracts cannot be used to circumvent the employment authorization verification requirements. If employment is to be for less than the usual three days allowed for completing the I-9 Form requirement, the form must be completed immediately at the time of hire. An employer has constructive knowledge that an employee is an illegal unauthorized worker if a reasonable person would infer it from the facts. Actual specific knowledge is not required. For example, a newspaper article stating that ballrooms depend on an illegal alien work force of dance hostesses was held by the courts to be a reasonable ground for suspicion that unlawful conduct had occurred.

Harboring or aiding illegal aliens is not protected by the First Amendment. It is a felony to establish a commercial enterprise for the purpose of evading any provision of federal immigration law. Violators may be fined or imprisoned for up to five years. It is a violation of law for any person to conceal, harbor, or shield from detection in any place, including any building or means of transportation, any alien who is in the United States in violation of law.

The sheltering need not be clandestine, and harboring covers aliens arrested outdoors, as well as in a building. This provision includes harboring an alien who entered the U. Any person who within any month period hires ten or more individuals with actual knowledge that they are illegal aliens or unauthorized workers is guilty of felony harboring.

It is also a felony to encourage or induce an alien to come to or reside in the U. This crime applies to any person, rather than just employers of illegal aliens. The fact that the alien is a refugee fleeing persecution is not a defense to this felony, since U. The penalty for felony harboring is a fine and imprisonment for up to five years. If the criminal smuggling or harboring results in the death of any person, the penalty can include life imprisonment.

Convictions for aiding, abetting, or conspiracy to commit alien smuggling or harboring, carry the same penalties. Courts can impose consecutive prison sentences for each alien smuggled or harbored. A court may order a convicted smuggler to pay restitution if the alien smuggled qualifies as a victim under the Victim and Witness Protection Act. A person or entity having knowledge of a violation or potential violation of employer sanctions provisions may submit a signed written complaint to the INS office with jurisdiction over the business or residence of the potential violator, whether an employer, employee, or agent.

The complaint must include the names and addresses of both the complainant and the violator, and detailed factual allegations, including date, time, and place of the potential violation, and the specific conduct alleged to be a violation of employer sanctions. By regulation, the INS will only investigate third-party complaints that have a reasonable probability of validity. Designated INS officers and employees, and all other officers whose duty it is to enforce criminal laws, may make an arrest for violation of smuggling or harboring illegal aliens.

State and local law enforcement officials have the general power to investigate and arrest violators of federal immigration statutes without prior INS knowledge or approval, as long as they are authorized to do so by state law. There is no extant federal limitation on this authority. Subsection a 1 i - v prohibits alien smuggling, domestic transportation of unauthorized aliens, concealing or harboring unauthorized aliens, encouraging or inducing unauthorized aliens to enter the United States, and engaging in a conspiracy or aiding and abetting any of the preceding acts.

Subsection a 2 prohibits bringing or attempting to bring unauthorized aliens to the United States in any manner whatsoever, even at a designated port of entry. Subsection a 3. Alien Smuggling -- Subsection a 1 A i makes it an offense for any person who -- knowing that a person is an alien, to bring to or attempts to bring to the United States in any manner whatsoever such person at a place other than a designated port of entry or place other than as designated by the Commissioner, regardless of whether such alien has received prior official authorization to come to, enter, or reside in the United States and regardless of any future official action which may be taken with respect to such alien.

Domestic Transporting -- Subsection a 1 A ii makes it an offense for any person who -- knowing or in reckless disregard of the fact that an alien has come to, entered, or remains in the United States in violation of law, transports, or moves or attempts to transport or move such alien within the United States by means of transportation or otherwise, in furtherance of such violation of law. Harboring -- Subsection a 1 A iii makes it an offense for any person who -- knowing or in reckless disregard of the fact that an alien has come to, entered, or remains in the United States in violation of law, conceals harbors, or shields from detection, or attempts to conceal, harbor, or shield from detection, such alien in any place, including any building or any means of transportation.

Bringing Aliens to the United States -- Subsection a 2 makes it an offense for any person who -- knowing or in reckless disregard of the fact that an alien has not received prior authorization to come to, enter, or reside in the United States, to bring to or attempts to bring to the United States in any manner whatsoever, such alien, regardless of any official action which may later be taken with respect to such alien.

See this Manual at unlawful employment of aliens. However, the unit of prosecution is now based on each alien in respect to whom a violation occurs. Knowledge -- Prosecutions for alien smuggling, 8 U. With regard to the other violations in 8 U. Penalties -- The basic statutory maximum penalty for violating 8 U.